 
                            	 
                                Will the GOP stop Wolf and hold Philly back?
With Gov. Corbett leaving behind a $2 billion budget, Gov.-elect Tom Wolf will have to dig out of this hole before he rebuilds.
 Tom Corbett has bequeathed Democratic Gov.-elect Tom Wolf not only wrecked public schools, but also a projected state budget deficit of nearly $2 billion, according to last week's report from the state Independent Fiscal Office. Conservative government, that chimeric realm of low taxes and high living, was just a marketing scheme. And given Corbett's historic loss, a low-quality one.
Tom Corbett has bequeathed Democratic Gov.-elect Tom Wolf not only wrecked public schools, but also a projected state budget deficit of nearly $2 billion, according to last week's report from the state Independent Fiscal Office. Conservative government, that chimeric realm of low taxes and high living, was just a marketing scheme. And given Corbett's historic loss, a low-quality one.
Wolf has a mandate — low voter turnout prompts some to question how large — to reverse Corbett's deep cuts to public education. Wolf says he wants to do this partly by taxing natural-gas extraction (not ending it, to environmentalists' chagrin) and making the state income tax progressive, which translates to higher rates on the wealthy.
But Corbett's deficit means that Wolf must first dig out before he rebuilds — he cannot let deeply cut programs get cut once again. Republicans, who in the very same election expanded their majorities in the state legislature, will make that difficult. This is a more conservative iteration of a Republican legislature that mostly refused to pass a Republican governor's agenda.
It seemingly gets worse: Centre County Sen. Jake Corman ousted moderate Senate Majority Leader Dominic Pileggi. This could spell more disaster for Philadelphia, since the outgoing Republican leader, from Delaware County, was perceived by some in Philly as an ally.
Pennsylvania Republicans are, like their Washington counterparts, in the awkward position of running a government that many of them would like to dismantle. But it's not yet clear whether they will likewise embrace obstruction as single-minded obsession.
As Democratic strategist Tony May pointed out, Corman vociferously opposed cuts to higher education under Corbett, warning that it could send the state system toward privatization. And incoming Republican House Majority Leader David Reed has made a lot of noise about fighting poverty. Reed's ideologically rigid predecessor, Rep. Mike Turzai, is slated to become House speaker. It's a promotion, but the majority leader may hold greater influence over the legislative agenda.
We will only truly understand the Republican majority's temperament when budget season arrives in February of next year. Wolf will make a proposal, and the legislature will respond. And, thanks to the huge deficit, state lawmakers will have to do something. Republicans are unlikely to push for deeper austerity since massive public-education cuts helped doom Corbett. But they may be wary of backing the increased spending necessary to pull us out of this horrible status quo.
Some believe that Wolf must engage in monumental horse trading. Namely, many Republicans want to reform the state's underfunded pensions by reducing them, and privatize the state liquor stores. For Wolf, both would mean turning his back on public-sector workers who backed his election.
But there are issues that could foster compromise. One is a tax package (including closing corporate loopholes) aimed at reducing the always-unpopular local property taxes. Another would be a measure to downsize the state's huge, inhumane and expensive prison system.
Wolf has the benefit of a public that supports boosting education funding, imposing a severance tax on the natural-gas industry and (at least the concept of) higher taxes for the wealthy. And he has potential allies among the legislature's remaining moderate Republicans, including many who are likely miffed about Pileggi's ouster.
The worst-case scenario for Wolf, and for Philadelphia public schools, is that Republicans refuse to raise enough revenue. That means waiting until 2016, when Democrats hope a fierce presidential contest will drive enough turnout to reverse prior Republican waves. But districts gerrymandered to protect Republicans — and the fact that even fairly drawn districts are biased toward rural voters — make that unlikely.
Few Philadelphians bothered to vote two weeks ago even though Corbett had taken a wrecking ball to the city. It's a sign that broken public schools, and other messes, have left us more cynical than angry. Election season has become more commercial background noise, millions of dollars competing for the alienated citizenry's eyeballs. But next year's budget, and what gets allocated to Philly schools, will serve as a reminder that government still matters. No matter how much you hate it.

 
       
      




 
      

 
      